<p>For the rapid transmission of orders in an army covering a large
space of ground, the magnetic telegraph is by far the best, though
habitually the paper and pencil, with good mounted orderlies,
answer every purpose. I have little faith in the signal-service by
flags and torches, though we always used them; because, almost
invariably when they were most needed, the view was cut off by
intervening trees, or by mists and fogs. There was one notable
instance in my experience, when the signal-flags carried a message.
of vital importance over the heads of Hood's army, which had
interposed between me and Allatoona, and had broken the
telegraph-wires--as recorded in Chapter XIX.; but the value of the
magnetic telegraph in war cannot be exaggerated, as was illustrated
by the perfect concert of action between the armies in Virginia and
Georgia during 1864. Hardly a day intervened when General Grant did
not know the exact state of facts with me, more than fifteen
hundred miles away as the wires ran. So on the field a thin
insulated wire may be run on improvised stakes or from tree to tree
for six or more miles in a couple of hours, and I have seen
operators so skillful, that by cutting the wire they would receive
a message with their tongues from a distant station. As a matter of
course, the ordinary commercial wires along the railways form the
usual telegraph-lines for an army, and these are easily repaired
and extended as the army advances, but each army and wing should
have a small party of skilled men to put up the field-wire, and
take it down when done. This is far better than the signal-flags
and torches. Our commercial telegraph-lines will always supply for
war enough skillful operators.</p>
<p>The value of railways is also fully recognized in war quite as
much as, if not more so than, in peace. The Atlanta campaign would
simply have been impossible without the use of the railroads from
Louisville to Nashville--one hundred and eighty-five miles--from
Nashville to Chattanooga--one hundred and fifty-one miles--and from
Chattanooga to Atlanta--one hundred and thirty-seven miles. Every
mile of this "single track" was so delicate, that one man could in
a minute have broken or moved a rail, but our trains usually
carried along the tools and means to repair such a break. We had,
however, to maintain strong guards and garrisons at each important
bridge or trestle--the destruction of which would have necessitated
time for rebuilding. For the protection of a bridge, one or two log
block houses, two stories high, with a piece of ordnance and a
small infantry guard, usually sufficed. The block-house had a small
parapet and ditch about it, and the roof was made shot proof by
earth piled on. These points could usually be reached only by a
dash of the enemy's cavalry, and many of these block houses
successfully resisted serious attacks by both cavalry and
artillery. The only block-house that was actually captured on the
main was the one described near Allatoona. Our trains from
Nashville forward were operated under military rules, and ran about
ten miles an hour in gangs of four trains of ten cars each. Four
such groups of trains daily made one hundred and sixty cars, of ten
tons each, carrying sixteen hundred tons, which exceeded the
absolute necessity of the army, and allowed for the accidents that
were common and inevitable. But, as I have recorded, that single
stem of railroad, four hundred and seventy-three miles long,
supplied an army of one hundred thousand men and thirty-five
thousand animals for the period of one hundred and ninety-six days,
viz., from May 1 to November 12, 1864. To have delivered regularly
that amount of food and forage by ordinary wagons would have
required thirty-six thousand eight hundred wagons of six mules
each, allowing each wagon to have hauled two tons twenty miles each
day, a simple impossibility in roads such as then existed in that
region of country. Therefore, I reiterate that the Atlanta campaign
was an impossibility without these railroads; and only then,
because we had the men and means to maintain and defend them, in
addition to what were necessary to overcome the enemy. Habitually,
a passenger-car will carry fifty men with their necessary baggage.
Box-cars, and even platform-cars, answer the purpose well enough,
but they, should always have rough board-seats. For sick and
wounded men, box-cars filled with straw or bushes were usually
employed. Personally, I saw but little of the practical working of
the railroads, for I only turned back once as far as Resaca; but I
had daily reports from the engineer in charge, and officers who
came from the rear often explained to me the whole thing, with a
description of the wrecked trains all the way from Nashville to
Atlanta. I am convinced that the risk to life to the engineers and
men on that railroad fully equaled that on the skirmish-line,
called for as high an order of courage, and fully equaled it in
importance. Still, I doubt if there be any necessity in time of
peace to organize a corps specially to work the military railroads
in time of war, because in peace these same men gain all the
necessary experience, possess all the daring and courage of
soldiers, and only need the occasional protection and assistance of
the necessary train-guard, which may be composed of the furloughed
men coming and going, or of details made from the local garrisons
to the rear.</p>
<p>For the transfer of large armies by rail, from one theatre of
action to another by the rear--the cases of the transfer of the
Eleventh and Twelfth Corps--General Hooker, twenty-three thousand
men--from the East to Chattanooga, eleven hundred and ninety-two
miles in seven days, in the fall of 1863; and that of the Army of
the Ohio--General Schofield, fifteen thousand men--from the valley
of the Tennessee to Washington, fourteen hundred miles in eleven
days, en route to North Carolina in January, 1865, are the best
examples of which I have any knowledge, and reference to these is
made in the report of the Secretary of War, Mr. Stanton, dated
November 22, 1865.</p>
<p>Engineer troops attached to an army are habitually employed in
supervising the construction of forts or field works of a nature
more permanent than the lines need by the troops in motion, and in
repairing roads and making bridges. I had several regiments of this
kind that were most useful, but as a rule we used the infantry, or
employed parties of freedmen, who worked on the trenches at night
while the soldiers slept, and these in turn rested by day.
Habitually the repair of the railroad and its bridges was committed
to hired laborers, like the English navies, under the supervision
of Colonel W. W. Wright, a railroad-engineer, who was in the
military service at the time, and his successful labors were
frequently referred to in the official reports of the campaign.</p>
<p>For the passage of rivers, each army corps had a pontoon-train
with a detachment of engineers, and, on reaching a river, the
leading infantry division was charged with the labor of putting it
down. Generally the single pontoon-train could provide for nine
hundred feet of bridge, which sufficed; but when the rivers were
very wide two such trains would be brought together, or the single
train was supplemented by a trestle-bridge, or bridges made on
crib-work, out of timber found near the place. The pontoons in
general use were skeleton frames, made with a hinge, so as to fold
back and constitute a wagon-body. In this same wagon were carried
the cotton canvas cover, the anchor and chains, and a due
proportion of the balks, cheeses, and lashings. All the troops
became very familiar with their mechanism and use, and we were
rarely delayed by reason of a river, however broad. I saw,
recently, in Aldershot, England, a very complete pontoon-train; the
boats were sheathed with wood and felt, made very light; but I
think these were more liable to chafing and damage in rough
handling than were our less expensive and rougher boats. On the
whole, I would prefer the skeleton frame and canvas cover to any
style of pontoon that I have ever seen.</p>
<p>In relation to guards, pickets, and vedettes, I doubt if any
discoveries or improvements were made during our war, or in any of
the modern wars in Europe. These precautions vary with the nature
of the country and the situation of each army. When advancing or
retreating in line of battle, the usual skirmish-line constitutes
the picket-line, and may have "reserves," but usually the main line
of battle constitutes the reserve; and in this connection I will
state that the recent innovation introduced into the new infantry
tactics by General Upton is admirable, for by it each regiment,
brigade, and division deployed, sends forward as "skirmishers" the
one man of each set of fours, to cover its own front, and these can
be recalled or reenforced at pleasure by the bugle-signal.</p>
<p>For flank-guards and rear-guards, one or more companies should
be detached under their own officers, instead of making up the
guard by detailing men from the several companies.</p>
<p>For regimental or camp guards, the details should be made
according to existing army regulations; and all the guards should
be posted early in the evening, so as to afford each sentinel or
vedette a chance to study his ground before it becomes too
dark.</p>
<p>In like manner as to the staff. The more intimately it comes
into contact with the troops, the more useful and valuable it
becomes. The almost entire separation of the staff from the line,
as now practised by us, and hitherto by the French, has proved
mischievous, and the great retinues of staff-officers with which
some of our earlier generals began the war were simply ridiculous.
I don't believe in a chief of staff at all, and any general
commanding an army, corps, or division, that has a staff-officer
who professes to know more than his chief, is to be pitied. Each
regiment should have a competent adjutant, quartermaster, and
commissary, with two or three medical officers. Each brigade
commander should have the same staff, with the addition of a couple
of young aides-de-camp, habitually selected from the subalterns of
the brigade, who should be good riders, and intelligent enough to
give and explain the orders of their general.</p>
<p>The same staff will answer for a division. The general in
command of a separate army, and of a corps d'armee, should have the
same professional assistance, with two or more good engineers, and
his adjutant-general should exercise all the functions usually
ascribed to a chief of staff, viz., he should possess the ability
to comprehend the scope of operations, and to make verbally and in
writing all the orders and details necessary to carry into effect
the views of his general, as well as to keep the returns and
records of events for the information of the next higher authority,
and for history. A bulky staff implies a division of
responsibility, slowness of action, and indecision, whereas a small
staff implies activity and concentration of purpose. The smallness
of General Grant's staff throughout the civil war forms the best
model for future imitation. So of tents, officers furniture, etc.,
etc. In real war these should all be discarded, and an army is
efficient for action and motion exactly in the inverse ratio of its
impedimenta. Tents should be omitted altogether, save one to a
regiment for an office, and a few for the division hospital.
Officers should be content with a tent fly, improvising poles and
shelter out of bushes. The tents d'abri, or shelter-tent, carried
by the soldier himself, is all-sufficient. Officers should never
seek for houses, but share the condition of their men.</p>
<p>A recent message (July 18, 1874) made to the French Assembly by
Marshal MacMahon, President of the French Republic, submits a
projet de loi, with a report prepared by a board of French generals
on "army administration," which is full of information, and is as
applicable to us as to the French. I quote from its very beginning:
"The misfortunes of the campaign of 1870 have demonstrated the
inferiority of our system.... Two separate organizations existed
with parallel functions--the 'general' more occupied in giving
direction to his troops than in providing for their material wants,
which he regarded as the special province of the staff, and the
'intendant' (staff) often working at random, taking on his
shoulders a crushing burden of functions and duties, exhausting
himself with useless efforts, and aiming to accomplish an
insufficient service, to the disappointment of everybody. This
separation of the administration and command, this coexistence of
two wills, each independent of the other, which paralyzed both and
annulled the dualism, was condemned. It was decided by the board
that this error should be "proscribed" in the new military system.
The report then goes on at great length discussing the provisions.
of the "new law," which is described to be a radical change from
the old one on the same subject. While conceding to the Minister of
War in Paris the general control and supervision of the entire
military establishment primarily, especially of the annual
estimates or budget, and the great depots of supply, it distributes
to the commanders of the corps d'armee in time of peace, and to all
army commanders generally in time of war, the absolute command of
the money, provisions, and stores, with the necessary
staff-officers to receive, issue, and account for them. I quote
further: "The object of this law is to confer on the commander of
troops whatever liberty of action the case demands. He has the
power even to go beyond the regulations, in circumstances of
urgency and pressing necessity. The extraordinary measures he may
take on these occasions may require their execution without delay.
The staff-officer has but one duty before obeying, and that is to
submit his observations to the general, and to ask his orders in
writing.</p>
<p>With this formality his responsibility ceases, and the
responsibility for the extraordinary act falls solely on the
general who gives the order. The officers and agents charged with
supplies are placed under the orders of the general in command of
the troops, that is, they are obliged both in war and peace to
obey, with the single qualification above named, of first making
their observations and securing the written order of the
general.</p>
<p>With us, to-day, the law and regulations are that, no matter
what may be the emergency, the commanding general in Texas, New
Mexico, and the remote frontiers, cannot draw from the arsenals a
pistol-cartridge, or any sort of ordnance-stores, without first
procuring an order of the Secretary of War in Washington. The
commanding general--though intrusted with the lives of his soldiers
and with the safety of a frontier in a condition of chronic
war--cannot touch or be trusted with ordnance-stores or property,
and that is declared to be the law! Every officer of the old army
remembers how, in 1861, we were hampered with the old blue army
regulations, which tied our hands, and that to do any thing
positive and necessary we had to tear it all to pieces--cut the
red-tape, as it was called, a dangerous thing for an army to do,
for it was calculated to bring the law and authority into contempt;
but war was upon us, and overwhelming necessity overrides all
law.</p>
<p>This French report is well worth the study of our army-officers,
of all grades and classes, and I will only refer again, casually,
to another part, wherein it discusses the subject of military
correspondence: whether the staff-officer should correspond
directly with his chief in Paris, submitting to his general copies,
or whether he should be required to carry on his correspondence
through his general, so that the latter could promptly forward the
communication, indorsed with his own remarks and opinions. The
latter is declared by the board to be the only safe role, because
"the general should never be ignorant of any thing that is
transpiring that concerns his command."</p>
<p>In this country, as in France, Congress controls the great
questions of war and peace, makes all laws for the creation and
government of armies, and votes the necessary supplies, leaving to
the President to execute and apply these laws, especially the
harder task of limiting the expenditure of public money to the
amount of the annual appropriations. The executive power is further
subdivided into the seven great departments, and to the Secretary
of War is confided the general care of the military establishment,
and his powers are further subdivided into ten distinct and
separate bureaus.</p>
<p>The chiefs of these bureaus are under the immediate orders of
the Secretary of War, who, through them, in fact commands the army
from "his office," but cannot do so "in the field"--an absurdity in
military if not civil law.</p>
<p>The subordinates of these staff-corps and departments are
selected and chosen from the army itself, or fresh from West Point,
and too commonly construe themselves into the elite, as made of
better clay than the common soldier. Thus they separate themselves
more and more from their comrades of the line, and in process of
time realize the condition of that old officer of artillery who
thought the army would be a delightful place for a gentleman if it
were not for the d-d soldier; or, better still, the conclusion of
the young lord in "Henry IV.," who told Harry Percy (Hotspur) that
"but for these vile guns he would himself have been a soldier."
This is all wrong; utterly at variance with our democratic form of
government and of universal experience; and now that the French,
from whom we had copied the system, have utterly "proscribed" it, I
hope that our Congress will follow suit. I admit, in its fullest
force, the strength of the maxim that the civil law should be
superior to the military in time of peace; that the army should be
at all times subject to the direct control of Congress; and I
assert that, from the formation of our Government to the present
day, the Regular Army has set the highest example of obedience to
law and authority; but, for the very reason that our army is
comparatively so very small, I hold that it should be the best
possible, organized and governed on true military principles, and
that in time of peace we should preserve the "habits and usages of
war," so that, when war does come, we may not again be compelled to
suffer the disgrace, confusion, and disorder of 1861.</p>
<p>The commanding officers of divisions, departments, and posts,
should have the amplest powers, not only to command their troops,
but all the stores designed for their use, and the officers of the
staff necessary to administer them, within the area of their
command; and then with fairness they could be held to the most
perfect responsibility. The President and Secretary of War can
command the army quite as well through these generals as through
the subordinate staff-officers. Of course, the Secretary would, as
now, distribute the funds according to the appropriation bills, and
reserve to himself the absolute control and supervision of the
larger arsenals and depots of supply. The error lies in the law, or
in the judicial interpretation thereof, and no code of army
regulations can be made that meets the case, until Congress, like
the French Corps Legislatif, utterly annihilates and "proscribes"
the old law and the system which has grown up under it.</p>
<p>It is related of Napoleon that his last words were, "Tete
d'armee!" Doubtless, as the shadow of death obscured his memory,
the last thought that remained for speech was of some event when he
was directing an important "head of column." I believe that every
general who has handled armies in battle most recall from his own
experience the intensity of thought on some similar occasion, when
by a single command he had given the finishing stroke to some
complicated action; but to me recurs another thought that is worthy
of record, and may encourage others who are to follow us in our
profession. I never saw the rear of an army engaged in battle but I
feared that some calamity had happened at the front the apparent
confusion, broken wagons, crippled horses, men lying about dead and
maimed, parties hastening to and fro in seeming disorder, and a
general apprehension of something dreadful about to ensue; all
these signs, however, lessened as I neared the front, and there the
contrast was complete--perfect order, men and horses--full of
confidence, and it was not unusual for general hilarity, laughing,
and cheering. Although cannon might be firing, the musketry
clattering, and the enemy's shot hitting close, there reigned a
general feeling of strength and security that bore a marked
contrast to the bloody signs that had drifted rapidly to the rear;
therefore, for comfort and safety, I surely would rather be at the
front than the rear line of battle. So also on the march, the head
of a column moves on steadily, while the rear is alternately
halting and then rushing forward to close up the gap; and all sorts
of rumors, especially the worst, float back to the rear. Old troops
invariably deem it a special privilege to be in the front --to be
at the "head of column"--because experience has taught them that it
is the easiest and most comfortable place, and danger only adds
zest and stimulus to this fact.</p>
<p>The hardest task in war is to lie in support of some position or
battery, under fire without the privilege of returning it; or to
guard some train left in the rear, within hearing but out of
danger; or to provide for the wounded and dead of some corps which
is too busy ahead to care for its own.</p>
<p>To be at the head of a strong column of troops, in the execution
of some task that requires brain, is the highest pleasure of war--a
grim one and terrible, but which leaves on the mind and memory the
strongest mark; to detect the weak point of an enemy's line; to
break through with vehemence and thus lead to victory; or to
discover some key-point and hold it with tenacity; or to do some
other distinct act which is afterward recognized as the real cause
of success. These all become matters that are never forgotten.
Other great difficulties, experienced by every general, are to
measure truly the thousand-and-one reports that come to him in the
midst of conflict; to preserve a clear and well-defined purpose at
every instant of time, and to cause all efforts to converge to that
end.</p>
<p>To do these things he must know perfectly the strength and
quality of each part of his own army, as well as that of his
opponent, and must be where he can personally see and observe with
his own eyes, and judge with his own mind. No man can properly
command an army from the rear, he must be "at its front;" and when
a detachment is made, the commander thereof should be informed of
the object to be accomplished, and left as free as possible to
execute it in his own way; and when an army is divided up into
several parts, the superior should always attend that one which he
regards as most important. Some men think that modern armies may be
so regulated that a general can sit in an office and play on his
several columns as on the keys of a piano; this is a fearful
mistake. The directing mind must be at the very head of the
army--must be seen there, and the effect of his mind and personal
energy must be felt by every officer and man present with it, to
secure the best results. Every attempt to make war easy and safe
will result in humiliation and disaster.</p>
<p>Lastly, mail facilities should be kept up with an army if
possible, that officers and men may receive and send letters to
their friends, thus maintaining the home influence of infinite
assistance to discipline. Newspaper correspondents with an army, as
a rule, are mischievous. They are the world's gossips, pick up and
retail the camp scandal, and gradually drift to the headquarters of
some general, who finds it easier to make reputation at home than
with his own corps or division. They are also tempted to prophesy
events and state facts which, to an enemy, reveal a purpose in time
to guard against it. Moreover, they are always bound to see facts
colored by the partisan or political character of their own
patrons, and thus bring army officers into the political
controversies of the day, which are always mischievous and wrong.
Yet, so greedy are the people at large for war news, that it is
doubtful whether any army commander can exclude all reporters,
without bringing down on himself a clamor that may imperil his own
safety. Time and moderation must bring a just solution to this
modern difficulty.<br/>
</p>
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