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<h2><span>Chapter V. On Circulating And Fixed Capital.</span></h2>
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<SPAN name="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_1" id="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></SPAN>
<h3><span>§ 1. Fixed and Circulating Capital.</span></h3>
<p>
Of the capital engaged in the production of any commodity,
there is a part which, after being once used, exists
no longer as capital; is no longer capable of rendering service
to production, or at least not the same service, nor to the
same sort of production. Such, for example, is the portion
of capital which consists of materials. The tallow and alkali
of which soap is made, once used in the manufacture, are destroyed
as alkali and tallow. In the same division must be
placed the portion of capital which is paid as the wages, or
consumed as the subsistence, of laborers. That part of the
capital of a cotton-spinner which he pays away to his work-people,
once so paid, exists no longer as his capital, or as a
cotton-spinner's capital. Capital which in this manner fulfills
the whole of its office in the production in which it is
engaged, by a single use, is called Circulating Capital. The
term, which is not very appropriate, is derived from the circumstance
that this portion of capital requires to be constantly
renewed by the sale of the finished product, and
when renewed is perpetually parted with in buying materials
and paying wages; so that it does its work, not by being
kept, but by changing hands.</p>
<p>
Another large portion of capital, however, consists in
instruments of production, of a more or less permanent character;
which produce their effect not by being parted with,
but by being kept; and the efficacy of which is not exhausted
by a single use. To this class belong buildings,
machinery, and all or most things known by the name of implements
or tools. The durability of some of these is considerable,
and their function as productive instruments is
prolonged through many repetitions of the productive operation.
In this class must likewise be included capital sunk
(as the expression is) in permanent improvements of land.
So also the capital expended once for all, in the commencement
of an undertaking, to prepare the way for subsequent
operations: the expense of opening a mine, for example; of
cutting canals, of making roads or docks. Other examples
might be added, but these are sufficient. Capital which exists
in any of these durable shapes, and the return to which
is spread over a period of corresponding duration, is called
Fixed Capital.</p>
<p>
Of fixed capital, some kinds require to be occasionally
or periodically renewed. Such are all implements and
buildings: they require, at intervals, partial renewal by
means of repairs, and are at last entirely worn out. In other
cases the capital does not, unless as a consequence of some
unusual accident, require entire renewal. A dock or a canal,
once made, does not require, like a machine, to be made
again, unless purposely destroyed. The most permanent of
all kinds of fixed capital is that employed in giving increased
productiveness to a natural agent, such as land.</p>
<p>
To return to the theoretical distinction between fixed and
circulating capital. Since all wealth which is destined to be
employed for reproduction comes within the designation of
capital, there are parts of capital which do not agree with
the definition of either species of it; for instance, the stock
of finished goods which a manufacturer or dealer at any time
possesses unsold in his warehouses. But this, though capital
as to its destination, is not yet capital in actual exercise; it is
not engaged in production, but has first to be sold or exchanged,
that is, converted into an equivalent value of some
other commodities, and therefore is not yet either fixed or
circulating capital, but will become either one or the other,
or be eventually divided between them.</p>
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<SPAN name="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_2" id="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></SPAN>
<h3><span>§ 2. Increase of Fixed Capital, when, at the Expense of Circulating, might be Detrimental to the Laborers.</span></h3>
<p>
There is a great difference between the effects of
circulating and those of fixed capital, on the amount of the
gross produce of the country. Circulating capital being
destroyed as such, the result of a single use must be a reproduction
equal to the whole amount of the circulating capital
used, and a profit besides. This, however, is by no means
necessary in the case of fixed capital. Since machinery, for
example, is not wholly consumed by one use, it is not necessary
that it should be wholly replaced from the product of
that use. The machine answers the purpose of its owner if
it brings in, during each interval of time, enough to cover
the expense of repairs, and the deterioration in value which
the machine has sustained during the same time, with a surplus
sufficient to yield the ordinary profit on the entire
value of the machine.</p>
<p>
From this it follows that all increase of fixed capital,
when taking place at the expense of circulating, must be, at
least temporarily, prejudicial to the interests of the laborers.
This is true, not of machinery alone, but of all improvements
by which capital is sunk; that is, rendered permanently
incapable of being applied to the maintenance and
remuneration of labor.</p>
<span style="font-size: 90%">
It is highly probable that in the twenty-five years preceding
the panic of 1873, owing to the progress of invention, those
industries in the United States employing much machinery
were unduly stimulated in comparison with other industries,
and that the readjustment was a slow and painful process.
After the collapse vast numbers left the manufacturing to
enter the extractive industries.
</span>
<p>
The argument relied on by most of those who contend
that machinery can never be injurious to the laboring-class
is, that by cheapening production it creates such an increased
demand for the commodity as enables, ere long, a greater
number of persons than ever to find employment in producing
it. The argument does not seem to me to have
the weight commonly ascribed to it. The fact, though too
broadly stated, is, no doubt, often true. The copyists who
were thrown out of employment by the invention of printing
were doubtless soon outnumbered by the compositors
and pressmen who took their place; and the number of laboring
persons now employed in the cotton manufacture is
many times greater than were so occupied previously to the
inventions of Hargreaves and Arkwright, which shows that,
besides the enormous fixed capital now embarked in the
manufacture, it also employs a far larger circulating capital
than at any former time. But if this capital was drawn
from other employments, if the funds which took the place
of the capital sunk in costly machinery were supplied not
by any additional saving consequent on the improvements,
but by drafts on the general capital of the community, what
better are the laboring-classes for the mere transfer?</p>
<span style="font-size: 90%">
There is a machine used for sizing the cotton yarn to prepare
it for weaving, by which it is dried over a steam cylinder,
the wages for attendance on which were only two dollars per
day, as compared with an expenditure for labor of fourteen
dollars per day to accomplish the same ends before the machine
was invented.
</span>
<p>
All attempts to make out that the laboring-classes as a
collective body <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">can not</span></em> suffer temporarily by the introduction
of machinery, or by the sinking of capital in permanent
improvements, are, I conceive, necessarily fallacious.<SPAN id="noteref_111" name="noteref_111" href="#note_111"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">111</span></span></SPAN>
That they would suffer in the particular department of industry
to which the change applies is generally admitted,
and obvious to common sense; but it is often said that,
though employment is withdrawn from labor in one department,
an exactly equivalent employment is opened for it in
others, because what the consumers save in the increased
cheapness of one particular article enables them to augment
their consumption of others, thereby increasing the demand
for other kinds of labor. This is plausible, but, as was
shown in the last chapter, involves a fallacy; demand for
commodities being a totally different thing from demand
for labor. It is true, the consumers have now additional
means of buying other things; but this will not create the
other things, unless there is capital to produce them, and the
improvement has not set at liberty any capital, even if it has
not absorbed some from other employments.</p>
<span style="font-size: 90%">
If the improvement has lowered the cost of production, it
has often required less capital (as well as less labor) to produce
the same quantity of goods; or, what is the same thing, an
increased product with the same capital.
</span>
<SPAN name="toc40" id="toc40"></SPAN>
<h3><span>§ 3. —This seldom, if ever, occurs.</span></h3>
<p>
Nevertheless, I do not believe that, as things are
actually transacted, improvements in production are often, if
ever, injurious, even temporarily, to the laboring-classes in
the aggregate. They would be so if they took place suddenly
to a great amount, because much of the capital sunk
must necessarily in that case be provided from funds already
employed as circulating capital. But improvements are
always introduced very gradually, and are seldom or never
made by withdrawing circulating capital from actual production,
but are made by the employment of the annual
increase. I doubt if there would be found a single example
of a great increase of fixed capital, at a time and place where
circulating capital was not rapidly increasing likewise.</p>
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style="font-size: 90%">
In the United States, while the cost per yard of the manufactured
goods has decreased, and so made accessible to poorer
classes than before, the capital engaged in manufactures has increased
so as to allow a vastly greater number of persons to be
employed, as will be seen by the following comparison of 1860
with 1880 taken from the last census returns. (Compendium,
1880, pp. 928, 930.)
</span></p>
<table summary="This is a table" cellspacing="0" class="tei tei-table" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><colgroup span="5"></colgroup><tbody><tr class="tei tei-row"><td class="tei tei-cell"></td><td class="tei tei-cell">Number of establishments.</td><td class="tei tei-cell">Capital (Thousands).</td>
<td class="tei tei-cell">Average number of hands employed.</td>
<td class="tei tei-cell">Total amount paid in wages during the year.</td></tr><tr class="tei tei-row"><td class="tei tei-cell">1860</td><td class="tei tei-cell">140,433</td><td class="tei tei-cell">$1,009,855</td>
<td class="tei tei-cell">1,311,246</td><td class="tei tei-cell">$378,878,966</td></tr><tr class="tei tei-row"><td class="tei tei-cell">1880</td><td class="tei tei-cell">253,852</td><td class="tei tei-cell">2,790,272</td>
<td class="tei tei-cell">2,732,595</td><td class="tei tei-cell">947,953,795</td></tr></tbody></table>
<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em">
<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">A hundred years ago, one person in every family of five
or six must have been absolutely needed to spin and weave by
</span><span style="font-size: 90%">
hand the fabrics required for the scanty clothing of the people;
now one person in two hundred or two hundred and fifty
only need work in the factory to produce the cotton and woolen
fabrics of the most amply clothed nation of the world.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span><SPAN id="noteref_112" name="noteref_112" href="#note_112"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">112</span></span></SPAN></p>
<p>
To these considerations must be added, that, even if improvements
did for a time decrease the aggregate produce
and the circulating capital of the community, they would
not the less tend in the long run to augment both. This
tendency of improvements in production to cause increased
accumulation, and thereby ultimately to increase the gross
produce, even if temporarily diminishing it, will assume a
still more decided character if it should appear that there
are assignable limits both to the accumulation of capital and
to the increase of production from the land, which limits
once attained, all further increase of produce must stop; but
that improvements in production, whatever may be their
other effects, tend to throw one or both of these limits farther
off. Now, these are truths which will appear in the
clearest light in a subsequent stage of our investigation. It
will be seen that the quantity of capital which will, or even
which can, be accumulated in any country, and the amount
of gross produce which will, or even which can, be raised,
bear a proportion to the state of the arts of production there
existing; and that every improvement, even if for the time it
diminish the circulating capital and the gross produce, ultimately
makes room for a larger amount of both than could
possibly have existed otherwise. It is this which is the conclusive
answer to the objections against machinery; and the
proof thence arising of the ultimate benefit to laborers of
mechanical inventions, even in the existing state of society,
will hereafter be seen to be conclusive.<SPAN id="noteref_113" name="noteref_113" href="#note_113"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">113</span></span></SPAN></p>
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