<p><SPAN name="link412HCH0004" id="link412HCH0004"></SPAN></p>
<h2> Chapter XLI: Conquests Of Justinian, Charact Of Balisarius.—Part IV. </h2>
<p>From the moment that Belisarius had determined to sustain a siege, his
assiduous care provided Rome against the danger of famine, more dreadful
than the Gothic arms. An extraordinary supply of corn was imported from
Sicily: the harvests of Campania and Tuscany were forcibly swept for the
use of the city; and the rights of private property were infringed by the
strong plea of the public safety. It might easily be foreseen that the
enemy would intercept the aqueducts; and the cessation of the water-mills
was the first inconvenience, which was speedily removed by mooring large
vessels, and fixing mill-stones in the current of the river. The stream
was soon embarrassed by the trunks of trees, and polluted with dead
bodies; yet so effectual were the precautions of the Roman general, that
the waters of the Tyber still continued to give motion to the mills and
drink to the inhabitants: the more distant quarters were supplied from
domestic wells; and a besieged city might support, without impatience, the
privation of her public baths. A large portion of Rome, from the
Praenestine gate to the church of St. Paul, was never invested by the
Goths; their excursions were restrained by the activity of the Moorish
troops: the navigation of the Tyber, and the Latin, Appian, and Ostian
ways, were left free and unmolested for the introduction of corn and
cattle, or the retreat of the inhabitants, who sought refuge in Campania
or Sicily. Anxious to relieve himself from a useless and devouring
multitude, Belisarius issued his peremptory orders for the instant
departure of the women, the children, and slaves; required his soldiers to
dismiss their male and female attendants, and regulated their allowance
that one moiety should be given in provisions, and the other in money. His
foresight was justified by the increase of the public distress, as soon as
the Goths had occupied two important posts in the neighborhood of Rome. By
the loss of the port, or, as it is now called, the city of Porto, he was
deprived of the country on the right of the Tyber, and the best
communication with the sea; and he reflected, with grief and anger, that
three hundred men, could he have spared such a feeble band, might have
defended its impregnable works. Seven miles from the capital, between the
Appian and the Latin ways, two principal aqueducts crossing, and again
crossing each other: enclosed within their solid and lofty arches a
fortified space, <SPAN href="#link41note-87" name="link41noteref-87" id="link41noteref-87">87</SPAN> where Vitiges established a camp of seven
thousand Goths to intercept the convoy of Sicily and Campania. The
granaries of Rome were insensibly exhausted, the adjacent country had been
wasted with fire and sword; such scanty supplies as might yet be obtained
by hasty excursions were the reward of valor, and the purchase of wealth:
the forage of the horses, and the bread of the soldiers, never failed: but
in the last months of the siege, the people were exposed to the miseries
of scarcity, unwholesome food, <SPAN href="#link41note-88"
name="link41noteref-88" id="link41noteref-88">88</SPAN> and contagious
disorders. Belisarius saw and pitied their sufferings; but he had
foreseen, and he watched the decay of their loyalty, and the progress of
their discontent. Adversity had awakened the Romans from the dreams of
grandeur and freedom, and taught them the humiliating lesson, that it was
of small moment to their real happiness, whether the name of their master
was derived from the Gothic or the Latin language. The lieutenant of
Justinian listened to their just complaints, but he rejected with disdain
the idea of flight or capitulation; repressed their clamorous impatience
for battle; amused them with the prospect of a sure and speedy relief; and
secured himself and the city from the effects of their despair or
treachery. Twice in each month he changed the station of the officers to
whom the custody of the gates was committed: the various precautions of
patroles, watch words, lights, and music, were repeatedly employed to
discover whatever passed on the ramparts; out-guards were posted beyond
the ditch, and the trusty vigilance of dogs supplied the more doubtful
fidelity of mankind. A letter was intercepted, which assured the king of
the Goths that the Asinarian gate, adjoining to the Lateran church, should
be secretly opened to his troops. On the proof or suspicion of treason,
several senators were banished, and the pope Sylverius was summoned to
attend the representative of his sovereign, at his head-quarters in the
Pincian palace. <SPAN href="#link41note-89" name="link41noteref-89" id="link41noteref-89">89</SPAN> The ecclesiastics, who followed their bishop,
were detained in the first or second apartment, <SPAN href="#link41note-90"
name="link41noteref-90" id="link41noteref-90">90</SPAN> and he alone was
admitted to the presence of Belisarius. The conqueror of Rome and Carthage
was modestly seated at the feet of Antonina, who reclined on a stately
couch: the general was silent, but the voice of reproach and menace issued
from the mouth of his imperious wife. Accused by credible witnesses, and
the evidence of his own subscription, the successor of St. Peter was
despoiled of his pontifical ornaments, clad in the mean habit of a monk,
and embarked, without delay, for a distant exile in the East. <SPAN href="#link41note-9011" name="link41noteref-9011" id="link41noteref-9011">9011</SPAN>
At the emperor's command, the clergy of Rome proceeded to the choice of a
new bishop; and after a solemn invocation of the Holy Ghost, elected the
deacon Vigilius, who had purchased the papal throne by a bribe of two
hundred pounds of gold. The profit, and consequently the guilt, of this
simony, was imputed to Belisarius: but the hero obeyed the orders of his
wife; Antonina served the passions of the empress; and Theodora lavished
her treasures, in the vain hope of obtaining a pontiff hostile or
indifferent to the council of Chalcedon. <SPAN href="#link41note-91"
name="link41noteref-91" id="link41noteref-91">91</SPAN></p>
<p><SPAN name="link41note-87" id="link41note-87">
<!-- Note --></SPAN></p>
<p class="foot">
87 (<SPAN href="#link41noteref-87">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ Procopius (Goth. l. ii.
c. 3) has forgot to name these aqueducts nor can such a double
intersection, at such a distance from Rome, be clearly ascertained from
the writings of Frontinus, Fabretti, and Eschinard, de Aquis and de Agro
Romano, or from the local maps of Lameti and Cingolani. Seven or eight
miles from the city, (50 stadia,) on the road to Albano, between the Latin
and Appian ways, I discern the remains of an aqueduct, (probably the
Septimian,) a series (630 paces) of arches twenty-five feet high.]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link41note-88" id="link41note-88">
<!-- Note --></SPAN></p>
<p class="foot">
88 (<SPAN href="#link41noteref-88">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ They made sausages of
mule's flesh; unwholesome, if the animals had died of the plague.
Otherwise, the famous Bologna sausages are said to be made of ass flesh,
(Voyages de Labat, tom. ii. p. 218.)]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link41note-89" id="link41note-89">
<!-- Note --></SPAN></p>
<p class="foot">
89 (<SPAN href="#link41noteref-89">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ The name of the palace,
the hill, and the adjoining gate, were all derived from the senator
Pincius. Some recent vestiges of temples and churches are now smoothed in
the garden of the Minims of the Trinita del Monte, (Nardini, l. iv. c. 7,
p. 196. Eschinard, p. 209, 210, the old plan of Buffalino, and the great
plan of Nolli.) Belisarius had fixed his station between the Pincian and
Salarian gates, (Procop. Goth. l. i. c. 15.)]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link41note-90" id="link41note-90">
<!-- Note --></SPAN></p>
<p class="foot">
90 (<SPAN href="#link41noteref-90">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ From the mention of the
primum et secundum velum, it should seem that Belisarius, even in a siege,
represented the emperor, and maintained the proud ceremonial of the
Byzantine palace.]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link41note-9011" id="link41note-9011">
<!-- Note --></SPAN></p>
<p class="foot">
9011 (<SPAN href="#link41noteref-9011">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ De Beau, as a good
Catholic, makes the Pope the victim of a dark intrigue. Lord Mahon, (p.
225.) with whom I concur, summed up against him.—M.]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link41note-91" id="link41note-91">
<!-- Note --></SPAN></p>
<p class="foot">
91 (<SPAN href="#link41noteref-91">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ Of this act of
sacrilege, Procopius (Goth. l. i. c. 25) is a dry and reluctant witness.
The narratives of Liberatus (Breviarium, c. 22) and Anastasius (de Vit.
Pont. p. 39) are characteristic, but passionate. Hear the execrations of
Cardinal Baronius, (A.D. 536, No. 123 A.D. 538, No. 4—20:)
portentum, facinus omni execratione dignum.]</p>
<p>The epistle of Belisarius to the emperor announced his victory, his
danger, and his resolution. "According to your commands, we have entered
the dominions of the Goths, and reduced to your obedience Sicily,
Campania, and the city of Rome; but the loss of these conquests will be
more disgraceful than their acquisition was glorious. Hitherto we have
successfully fought against the multitudes of the Barbarians, but their
multitudes may finally prevail. Victory is the gift of Providence, but the
reputation of kings and generals depends on the success or the failure of
their designs. Permit me to speak with freedom: if you wish that we should
live, send us subsistence; if you desire that we should conquer, send us
arms, horses, and men. The Romans have received us as friends and
deliverers: but in our present distress, they will be either betrayed by
their confidence, or we shall be oppressed by their treachery and hatred.
For myself, my life is consecrated to your service: it is yours to
reflect, whether my death in this situation will contribute to the glory
and prosperity of your reign." Perhaps that reign would have been equally
prosperous if the peaceful master of the East had abstained from the
conquest of Africa and Italy: but as Justinian was ambitious of fame, he
made some efforts (they were feeble and languid) to support and rescue his
victorious general. A reenforcement of sixteen hundred Sclavonians and
Huns was led by Martin and Valerian; and as they reposed during the winter
season in the harbors of Greece, the strength of the men and horses was
not impaired by the fatigues of a sea-voyage; and they distinguished their
valor in the first sally against the besiegers. About the time of the
summer solstice, Euthalius landed at Terracina with large sums of money
for the payment of the troops: he cautiously proceeded along the Appian
way, and this convoy entered Rome through the gate Capena, <SPAN href="#link41note-92" name="link41noteref-92" id="link41noteref-92">92</SPAN>
while Belisarius, on the other side, diverted the attention of the Goths
by a vigorous and successful skirmish. These seasonable aids, the use and
reputation of which were dexterously managed by the Roman general, revived
the courage, or at least the hopes, of the soldiers and people. The
historian Procopius was despatched with an important commission to collect
the troops and provisions which Campania could furnish, or Constantinople
had sent; and the secretary of Belisarius was soon followed by Antonina
herself, <SPAN href="#link41note-93" name="link41noteref-93" id="link41noteref-93">93</SPAN> who boldly traversed the posts of the enemy,
and returned with the Oriental succors to the relief of her husband and
the besieged city. A fleet of three thousand Isaurians cast anchor in the
Bay of Naples and afterwards at Ostia. Above two thousand horse, of whom a
part were Thracians, landed at Tarentum; and, after the junction of five
hundred soldiers of Campania, and a train of wagons laden with wine and
flour, they directed their march on the Appian way, from Capua to the
neighborhood of Rome. The forces that arrived by land and sea were united
at the mouth of the Tyber. Antonina convened a council of war: it was
resolved to surmount, with sails and oars, the adverse stream of the
river; and the Goths were apprehensive of disturbing, by any rash
hostilities, the negotiation to which Belisarius had craftily listened.
They credulously believed that they saw no more than the vanguard of a
fleet and army, which already covered the Ionian Sea and the plains of
Campania; and the illusion was supported by the haughty language of the
Roman general, when he gave audience to the ambassadors of Vitiges. After
a specious discourse to vindicate the justice of his cause, they declared,
that, for the sake of peace, they were disposed to renounce the possession
of Sicily. "The emperor is not less generous," replied his lieutenant,
with a disdainful smile, "in return for a gift which you no longer
possess: he presents you with an ancient province of the empire; he
resigns to the Goths the sovereignty of the British island." Belisarius
rejected with equal firmness and contempt the offer of a tribute; but he
allowed the Gothic ambassadors to seek their fate from the mouth of
Justinian himself; and consented, with seeming reluctance, to a truce of
three months, from the winter solstice to the equinox of spring. Prudence
might not safely trust either the oaths or hostages of the Barbarians, and
the conscious superiority of the Roman chief was expressed in the
distribution of his troops. As soon as fear or hunger compelled the Goths
to evacuate Alba, Porto, and Centumcellae, their place was instantly
supplied; the garrisons of Narni, Spoleto, and Perusia, were reenforced,
and the seven camps of the besiegers were gradually encompassed with the
calamities of a siege. The prayers and pilgrimage of Datius, bishop of
Milan, were not without effect; and he obtained one thousand Thracians and
Isaurians, to assist the revolt of Liguria against her Arian tyrant. At
the same time, John the Sanguinary, <SPAN href="#link41note-94"
name="link41noteref-94" id="link41noteref-94">94</SPAN> the nephew of
Vitalian, was detached with two thousand chosen horse, first to Alba, on
the Fucine Lake, and afterwards to the frontiers of Picenum, on the
Hadriatic Sea. "In the province," said Belisarius, "the Goths have
deposited their families and treasures, without a guard or the suspicion
of danger. Doubtless they will violate the truce: let them feel your
presence, before they hear of your motions. Spare the Italians; suffer not
any fortified places to remain hostile in your rear; and faithfully
reserve the spoil for an equal and common partition. It would not be
reasonable," he added with a laugh, "that whilst we are toiling to the
destruction of the drones, our more fortunate brethren should rifle and
enjoy the honey."</p>
<p><SPAN name="link41note-92" id="link41note-92">
<!-- Note --></SPAN></p>
<p class="foot">
92 (<SPAN href="#link41noteref-92">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ The old Capena was
removed by Aurelian to, or near, the modern gate of St. Sebastian, (see
Nolli's plan.) That memorable spot has been consecrated by the Egerian
grove, the memory of Numa two umphal arches, the sepulchres of the
Scipios, Metelli, &c.]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link41note-93" id="link41note-93">
<!-- Note --></SPAN></p>
<p class="foot">
93 (<SPAN href="#link41noteref-93">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ The expression of
Procopius has an invidious cast, (Goth. l. ii. c. 4.) Yet he is speaking
of a woman.]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link41note-94" id="link41note-94">
<!-- Note --></SPAN></p>
<p class="foot">
94 (<SPAN href="#link41noteref-94">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ Anastasius (p. 40) has
preserved this epithet of Sanguinarius which might do honor to a tiger.]</p>
<p>The whole nation of the Ostrogoths had been assembled for the attack, and
was almost entirely consumed in the siege of Rome. If any credit be due to
an intelligent spectator, one third at least of their enormous host was
destroyed, in frequent and bloody combats under the walls of the city. The
bad fame and pernicious qualities of the summer air might already be
imputed to the decay of agriculture and population; and the evils of
famine and pestilence were aggravated by their own licentiousness, and the
unfriendly disposition of the country. While Vitiges struggled with his
fortune, while he hesitated between shame and ruin, his retreat was
hastened by domestic alarms. The king of the Goths was informed by
trembling messengers, that John the Sanguinary spread the devastations of
war from the Apennine to the Hadriatic; that the rich spoils and
innumerable captives of Picenum were lodged in the fortifications of
Rimini; and that this formidable chief had defeated his uncle, insulted
his capital, and seduced, by secret correspondence, the fidelity of his
wife, the imperious daughter of Amalasontha. Yet, before he retired,
Vitiges made a last effort, either to storm or to surprise the city. A
secret passage was discovered in one of the aqueducts; two citizens of the
Vatican were tempted by bribes to intoxicate the guards of the Aurelian
gate; an attack was meditated on the walls beyond the Tyber, in a place
which was not fortified with towers; and the Barbarians advanced, with
torches and scaling-ladders, to the assault of the Pincian gate. But every
attempt was defeated by the intrepid vigilance of Belisarius and his band
of veterans, who, in the most perilous moments, did not regret the absence
of their companions; and the Goths, alike destitute of hope and
subsistence, clamorously urged their departure before the truce should
expire, and the Roman cavalry should again be united. One year and nine
days after the commencement of the siege, an army, so lately strong and
triumphant, burnt their tents, and tumultuously repassed the Milvian
bridge. They repassed not with impunity: their thronging multitudes,
oppressed in a narrow passage, were driven headlong into the Tyber, by
their own fears and the pursuit of the enemy; and the Roman general,
sallying from the Pincian gate, inflicted a severe and disgraceful wound
on their retreat. The slow length of a sickly and desponding host was
heavily dragged along the Flaminian way; from whence the Barbarians were
sometimes compelled to deviate, lest they should encounter the hostile
garrisons that guarded the high road to Rimini and Ravenna. Yet so
powerful was this flying army, that Vitiges spared ten thousand men for
the defence of the cities which he was most solicitous to preserve, and
detached his nephew Uraias, with an adequate force, for the chastisement
of rebellious Milan. At the head of his principal army, he besieged
Rimini, only thirty-three miles distant from the Gothic capital. A feeble
rampart, and a shallow ditch, were maintained by the skill and valor of
John the Sanguinary, who shared the danger and fatigue of the meanest
soldier, and emulated, on a theatre less illustrious, the military virtues
of his great commander. The towers and battering-engines of the Barbarians
were rendered useless; their attacks were repulsed; and the tedious
blockade, which reduced the garrison to the last extremity of hunger,
afforded time for the union and march of the Roman forces. A fleet, which
had surprised Ancona, sailed along the coast of the Hadriatic, to the
relief of the besieged city. The eunuch Narses landed in Picenum with two
thousand Heruli and five thousand of the bravest troops of the East. The
rock of the Apennine was forced; ten thousand veterans moved round the
foot of the mountains, under the command of Belisarius himself; and a new
army, whose encampment blazed with innumerable lights, appeared to advance
along the Flaminian way. Overwhelmed with astonishment and despair, the
Goths abandoned the siege of Rimini, their tents, their standards, and
their leaders; and Vitiges, who gave or followed the example of flight,
never halted till he found a shelter within the walls and morasses of
Ravenna. To these walls, and to some fortresses destitute of any mutual
support, the Gothic monarchy was now reduced. The provinces of Italy had
embraced the party of the emperor and his army, gradually recruited to the
number of twenty thousand men, must have achieved an easy and rapid
conquest, if their invincible powers had not been weakened by the discord
of the Roman chiefs. Before the end of the siege, an act of blood,
ambiguous and indiscreet, sullied the fair fame of Belisarius. Presidius,
a loyal Italian, as he fled from Ravenna to Rome, was rudely stopped by
Constantine, the military governor of Spoleto, and despoiled, even in a
church, of two daggers richly inlaid with gold and precious stones. As
soon as the public danger had subsided, Presidius complained of the loss
and injury: his complaint was heard, but the order of restitution was
disobeyed by the pride and avarice of the offender. Exasperated by the
delay, Presidius boldly arrested the general's horse as he passed through
the forum; and, with the spirit of a citizen, demanded the common benefit
of the Roman laws. The honor of Belisarius was engaged; he summoned a
council; claimed the obedience of his subordinate officer; and was
provoked, by an insolent reply, to call hastily for the presence of his
guards. Constantine, viewing their entrance as the signal of death, drew
his sword, and rushed on the general, who nimbly eluded the stroke, and
was protected by his friends; while the desperate assassin was disarmed,
dragged into a neighboring chamber, and executed, or rather murdered, by
the guards, at the arbitrary command of Belisarius. <SPAN href="#link41note-95" name="link41noteref-95" id="link41noteref-95">95</SPAN>
In this hasty act of violence, the guilt of Constantine was no longer
remembered; the despair and death of that valiant officer were secretly
imputed to the revenge of Antonina; and each of his colleagues, conscious
of the same rapine, was apprehensive of the same fate. The fear of a
common enemy suspended the effects of their envy and discontent; but in
the confidence of approaching victory, they instigated a powerful rival to
oppose the conqueror of Rome and Africa. From the domestic service of the
palace, and the administration of the private revenue, Narses the eunuch
was suddenly exalted to the head of an army; and the spirit of a hero, who
afterwards equalled the merit and glory of Belisarius, served only to
perplex the operations of the Gothic war. To his prudent counsels, the
relief of Rimini was ascribed by the leaders of the discontented faction,
who exhorted Narses to assume an independent and separate command. The
epistle of Justinian had indeed enjoined his obedience to the general; but
the dangerous exception, "as far as may be advantageous to the public
service," reserved some freedom of judgment to the discreet favorite, who
had so lately departed from the sacred and familiar conversation of his
sovereign. In the exercise of this doubtful right, the eunuch perpetually
dissented from the opinions of Belisarius; and, after yielding with
reluctance to the siege of Urbino, he deserted his colleague in the night,
and marched away to the conquest of the Aemilian province. The fierce and
formidable bands of the Heruli were attached to the person of Narses; <SPAN href="#link41note-96" name="link41noteref-96" id="link41noteref-96">96</SPAN>
ten thousand Romans and confederates were persuaded to march under his
banners; every malecontent embraced the fair opportunity of revenging his
private or imaginary wrongs; and the remaining troops of Belisarius were
divided and dispersed from the garrisons of Sicily to the shores of the
Hadriatic. His skill and perseverance overcame every obstacle: Urbino was
taken, the sieges of Faesulae Orvieto, and Auximum, were undertaken and
vigorously prosecuted; and the eunuch Narses was at length recalled to the
domestic cares of the palace. All dissensions were healed, and all
opposition was subdued, by the temperate authority of the Roman general,
to whom his enemies could not refuse their esteem; and Belisarius
inculcated the salutary lesson that the forces of the state should compose
one body, and be animated by one soul. But in the interval of discord, the
Goths were permitted to breathe; an important season was lost, Milan was
destroyed, and the northern provinces of Italy were afflicted by an
inundation of the Franks.</p>
<p><SPAN name="link41note-95" id="link41note-95">
<!-- Note --></SPAN></p>
<p class="foot">
95 (<SPAN href="#link41noteref-95">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ This transaction is
related in the public history (Goth. l. ii. c. 8) with candor or caution;
in the Anecdotes (c. 7) with malevolence or freedom; but Marcellinus, or
rather his continuator, (in Chron.,) casts a shade of premeditated
assassination over the death of Constantine. He had performed good service
at Rome and Spoleto, (Procop. Goth l. i. c. 7, 14;) but Alemannus
confounds him with a Constantianus comes stabuli.]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link41note-96" id="link41note-96">
<!-- Note --></SPAN></p>
<p class="foot">
96 (<SPAN href="#link41noteref-96">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ They refused to serve
after his departure; sold their captives and cattle to the Goths; and
swore never to fight against them. Procopius introduces a curious
digression on the manners and adventures of this wandering nation, a part
of whom finally emigrated to Thule or Scandinavia. (Goth. l. ii. c. 14,
15.)]</p>
<p>When Justinian first meditated the conquest of Italy, he sent ambassadors
to the kings of the Franks, and adjured them, by the common ties of
alliance and religion, to join in the holy enterprise against the Arians.
The Goths, as their want were more urgent, employed a more effectual mode
of persuasion, and vainly strove, by the gift of lands and money, to
purchase the friendship, or at least the neutrality, of a light and
perfidious nation. But the arms of Belisarius, and the revolt of the
Italians, had no sooner shaken the Gothic monarchy, than Theodebert of
Austrasia, the most powerful and warlike of the Merovingian kings, was
persuaded to succor their distress by an indirect and seasonable aid.
Without expecting the consent of their sovereign, the thousand
Burgundians, his recent subjects, descended from the Alps, and joined the
troops which Vitiges had sent to chastise the revolt of Milan. After an
obstinate siege, the capital of Liguria was reduced by famine; but no
capitulation could be obtained, except for the safe retreat of the Roman
garrison. Datius, the orthodox bishop, who had seduced his countrymen to
rebellion <SPAN href="#link41note-98" name="link41noteref-98" id="link41noteref-98">98</SPAN> and ruin, escaped to the luxury and honors of
the Byzantine court; <SPAN href="#link41note-99" name="link41noteref-99" id="link41noteref-99">99</SPAN> but the clergy, perhaps the Arian clergy,
were slaughtered at the foot of their own altars by the defenders of the
Catholic faith. Three hundred thousand males were reported to be slain; <SPAN href="#link41note-100" name="link41noteref-100" id="link41noteref-100">100</SPAN>
the female sex, and the more precious spoil, was resigned to the
Burgundians; and the houses, or at least the walls, of Milan, were
levelled with the ground. The Goths, in their last moments, were revenged
by the destruction of a city, second only to Rome in size and opulence, in
the splendor of its buildings, or the number of its inhabitants; and
Belisarius sympathized alone in the fate of his deserted and devoted
friends. Encouraged by this successful inroad, Theodebert himself, in the
ensuing spring, invaded the plains of Italy with an army of one hundred
thousand Barbarians. <SPAN href="#link41note-101" name="link41noteref-101" id="link41noteref-101">101</SPAN> The king, and some chosen followers, were
mounted on horseback, and armed with lances; the infantry, without bows or
spears, were satisfied with a shield, a sword, and a double-edged
battle-axe, which, in their hands, became a deadly and unerring weapon.
Italy trembled at the march of the Franks; and both the Gothic prince and
the Roman general, alike ignorant of their designs, solicited, with hope
and terror, the friendship of these dangerous allies. Till he had secured
the passage of the Po on the bridge of Pavia, the grandson of Clovis
dissembled his intentions, which he at length declared, by assaulting,
almost at the same instant, the hostile camps of the Romans and Goths.
Instead of uniting their arms, they fled with equal precipitation; and the
fertile, though desolate provinces of Liguria and Aemilia, were abandoned
to a licentious host of Barbarians, whose rage was not mitigated by any
thoughts of settlement or conquest. Among the cities which they ruined,
Genoa, not yet constructed of marble, is particularly enumerated; and the
deaths of thousands, according to the regular practice of war, appear to
have excited less horror than some idolatrous sacrifices of women and
children, which were performed with impunity in the camp of the most
Christian king. If it were not a melancholy truth, that the first and most
cruel sufferings must be the lot of the innocent and helpless, history
might exult in the misery of the conquerors, who, in the midst of riches,
were left destitute of bread or wine, reduced to drink the waters of the
Po, and to feed on the flesh of distempered cattle. The dysentery swept
away one third of their army; and the clamors of his subjects, who were
impatient to pass the Alps, disposed Theodebert to listen with respect to
the mild exhortations of Belisarius. The memory of this inglorious and
destructive warfare was perpetuated on the medals of Gaul; and Justinian,
without unsheathing his sword, assumed the title of conqueror of the
Franks. The Merovingian prince was offended by the vanity of the emperor;
he affected to pity the fallen fortunes of the Goths; and his insidious
offer of a federal union was fortified by the promise or menace of
descending from the Alps at the head of five hundred thousand men. His
plans of conquest were boundless, and perhaps chimerical. The king of
Austrasia threatened to chastise Justinian, and to march to the gates of
Constantinople: <SPAN href="#link41note-102" name="link41noteref-102" id="link41noteref-102">102</SPAN> he was overthrown and slain <SPAN href="#link41note-103" name="link41noteref-103" id="link41noteref-103">103</SPAN>
by a wild bull, <SPAN href="#link41note-104" name="link41noteref-104" id="link41noteref-104">104</SPAN> as he hunted in the Belgic or German
forests. [Footnote 97: This national reproach of perfidy (Procop. Goth. l.
ii. c. 25) offends the ear of La Mothe le Vayer, (tom. viii. p. 163—165,)
who criticizes, as if he had not read, the Greek historian.]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link41note-98" id="link41note-98">
<!-- Note --></SPAN></p>
<p class="foot">
98 (<SPAN href="#link41noteref-98">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ Baronius applauds his
treason, and justifies the Catholic bishops—qui ne sub heretico
principe degant omnem lapidem movent—a useful caution. The more
rational Muratori (Annali d'Italia, tom. v. p. 54) hints at the guilt of
perjury, and blames at least the imprudence of Datius.]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link41note-99" id="link41note-99">
<!-- Note --></SPAN></p>
<p class="foot">
99 (<SPAN href="#link41noteref-99">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ St. Datius was more
successful against devils than against Barbarians. He travelled with a
numerons retinue, and occupied at Corinth a large house. (Baronius, A.D.
538, No. 89, A.D. 539, No. 20.)]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link41note-100" id="link41note-100">
<!-- Note --></SPAN></p>
<p class="foot">
100 (<SPAN href="#link41noteref-100">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ (Compare Procopius,
Goth. l. ii. c. 7, 21.) Yet such population is incredible; and the second
or third city of Italy need not repine if we only decimate the numbers of
the present text Both Milan and Genoa revived in less than thirty years,
(Paul Diacon de Gestis Langobard. l. ii. c. 38.) Note: Procopius says
distinctly that Milan was the second city of the West. Which did Gibbon
suppose could compete with it, Ravenna or Naples; the next page he calls
it the second.—M.]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link41note-101" id="link41note-101">
<!-- Note --></SPAN></p>
<p class="foot">
101 (<SPAN href="#link41noteref-101">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ Besides Procopius,
perhaps too Roman, see the Chronicles of Marius and Marcellinus,
Jornandes, (in Success. Regn. in Muratori, tom. i. p. 241,) and Gregory of
Tours, (l. iii. c. 32, in tom. ii. of the Historians of France.) Gregory
supposes a defeat of Belisarius, who, in Aimoin, (de Gestis Franc. l. ii.
c. 23, in tom. iii. p. 59,) is slain by the Franks.]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link41note-102" id="link41note-102">
<!-- Note --></SPAN></p>
<p class="foot">
102 (<SPAN href="#link41noteref-102">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ Agathias, l. i. p.
14, 15. Could he have seduced or subdued the Gepidae or Lombards of
Pannonia, the Greek historian is confident that he must have been
destroyed in Thrace.]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link41note-103" id="link41note-103">
<!-- Note --></SPAN></p>
<p class="foot">
103 (<SPAN href="#link41noteref-103">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ The king pointed his
spear—the bull overturned a tree on his head—he expired the
same day. Such is the story of Agathias; but the original historians of
France (tom. ii. p. 202, 403, 558, 667) impute his death to a fever.]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link41note-104" id="link41note-104">
<!-- Note --></SPAN></p>
<p class="foot">
104 (<SPAN href="#link41noteref-104">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ Without losing myself
in a labyrinth of species and names—the aurochs, urus, bisons,
bubalus, bonasus, buffalo, &c., (Buffon. Hist. Nat. tom. xi., and
Supplement, tom. iii. vi.,) it is certain, that in the sixth century a
large wild species of horned cattle was hunted in the great forests of the
Vosges in Lorraine, and the Ardennes, (Greg. Turon. tom. ii. l. x. c. 10,
p. 369.)]</p>
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