<h2>CHAPTER XLVII.</h2>
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<h3>THE MILITARY SITUATION—PLANS FOR THE CAMPAIGN—SHERIDAN ASSIGNED TO COMMAND OF THE CAVALRY—FLANK MOVEMENTS—FORREST AT FORT PILLOW—GENERAL BANKS'S EXPEDITION—COLONEL MOSBY—AN INCIDENT OF THE WILDERNESS CAMPAIGN.</h3>
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<br/>
<p>When I assumed command of all the armies the situation was about
this: the Mississippi River was guarded from St. Louis to its
mouth; the line of the Arkansas was held, thus giving us all the
North-west north of that river. A few points in Louisiana not
remote from the river were held by the Federal troops, as was also
the mouth of the Rio Grande. East of the Mississippi we held
substantially all north of the Memphis and Charleston Railroad as
far east as Chattanooga, thence along the line of the Tennessee and
Holston rivers, taking in nearly all of the State of Tennessee.
West Virginia was in our hands; and that part of old Virginia north
of the Rapidan and east of the Blue Ridge we also held. On the
sea-coast we had Fortress Monroe and Norfolk in Virginia; Plymouth,
Washington and New Berne in North Carolina; Beaufort, Folly and
Morris islands, Hilton Head, Port Royal and Fort Pulaski in South
Carolina and Georgia; Fernandina, St. Augustine, Key West and
Pensacola in Florida. The balance of the Southern territory, an
empire in extent, was still in the hands of the enemy.</p>
<p>Sherman, who had succeeded me in the command of the military
division of the Mississippi, commanded all the troops in the
territory west of the Alleghanies and north of Natchez, with a
large movable force about Chattanooga. His command was subdivided
into four departments, but the commanders all reported to Sherman
and were subject to his orders. This arrangement, however, insured
the better protection of all lines of communication through the
acquired territory, for the reason that these different department
commanders could act promptly in case of a sudden or unexpected
raid within their respective jurisdictions without awaiting the
orders of the division commander.</p>
<p>In the East the opposing forces stood in substantially the same
relations towards each other as three years before, or when the war
began; they were both between the Federal and Confederate capitals.
It is true, footholds had been secured by us on the sea-coast, in
Virginia and North Carolina, but, beyond that, no substantial
advantage had been gained by either side. Battles had been fought
of as great severity as had ever been known in war, over ground
from the James River and Chickahominy, near Richmond, to Gettysburg
and Chambersburg, in Pennsylvania, with indecisive results,
sometimes favorable to the National army, sometimes to the
Confederate army; but in every instance, I believe, claimed as
victories for the South by the Southern press if not by the
Southern generals. The Northern press, as a whole, did not
discourage these claims; a portion of it always magnified rebel
success and belittled ours, while another portion, most sincerely
earnest in their desire for the preservation of the Union and the
overwhelming success of the Federal armies, would nevertheless
generally express dissatisfaction with whatever victories were
gained because they were not more complete.</p>
<p>That portion of the Army of the Potomac not engaged in guarding
lines of communication was on the northern bank of the Rapidan. The
Army of Northern Virginia confronting it on the opposite bank of
the same river, was strongly intrenched and commanded by the
acknowledged ablest general in the Confederate army. The country
back to the James River is cut up with many streams, generally
narrow, deep, and difficult to cross except where bridged. The
region is heavily timbered, and the roads narrow, and very bad
after the least rain. Such an enemy was not, of course, unprepared
with adequate fortifications at convenient intervals all the way
back to Richmond, so that when driven from one fortified position
they would always have another farther to the rear to fall back
into.</p>
<p>To provision an army, campaigning against so formidable a foe
through such a country, from wagons alone seemed almost impossible.
System and discipline were both essential to its
accomplishment.</p>
<p>The Union armies were now divided into nineteen departments,
though four of them in the West had been concentrated into a single
military division. The Army of the Potomac was a separate command
and had no territorial limits. There were thus seventeen distinct
commanders. Before this time these various armies had acted
separately and independently of each other, giving the enemy an
opportunity often of depleting one command, not pressed, to
reinforce another more actively engaged. I determined to stop this.
To this end I regarded the Army of the Potomac as the centre, and
all west to Memphis along the line described as our position at the
time, and north of it, the right wing; the Army of the James, under
General Butler, as the left wing, and all the troops south, as a
force in rear of the enemy. Some of these latter were occupying
positions from which they could not render service proportionate to
their numerical strength. All such were depleted to the minimum
necessary to hold their positions as a guard against blockade
runners; where they could not do this their positions were
abandoned altogether. In this way ten thousand men were added to
the Army of the James from South Carolina alone, with General
Gillmore in command. It was not contemplated that General Gillmore
should leave his department; but as most of his troops were taken,
presumably for active service, he asked to accompany them and was
permitted to do so. Officers and soldiers on furlough, of whom
there were many thousands, were ordered to their proper commands;
concentration was the order of the day, and to have it accomplished
in time to advance at the earliest moment the roads would permit
was the problem.</p>
<p>As a reinforcement to the Army of the Potomac, or to act in
support of it, the 9th army corps, over twenty thousand strong,
under General Burnside, had been rendezvoused at Annapolis,
Maryland. This was an admirable position for such a reinforcement.
The corps could be brought at the last moment as a reinforcement to
the Army of the Potomac, or it could be thrown on the sea-coast,
south of Norfolk, in Virginia or North Carolina, to operate against
Richmond from that direction. In fact Burnside and the War
Department both thought the 9th corps was intended for such an
expedition up to the last moment.</p>
<p>My general plan now was to concentrate all the force possible
against the Confederate armies in the field. There were but two
such, as we have seen, east of the Mississippi River and facing
north. The Army of Northern Virginia, General Robert E. Lee
commanding, was on the south bank of the Rapidan, confronting the
Army of the Potomac; the second, under General Joseph E. Johnston,
was at Dalton, Georgia, opposed to Sherman who was still at
Chattanooga. Beside these main armies the Confederates had to guard
the Shenandoah Valley, a great storehouse to feed their armies
from, and their line of communications from Richmond to Tennessee.
Forrest, a brave and intrepid cavalry general, was in the West with
a large force; making a larger command necessary to hold what we
had gained in Middle and West Tennessee. We could not abandon any
territory north of the line held by the enemy because it would lay
the Northern States open to invasion. But as the Army of the
Potomac was the principal garrison for the protection of Washington
even while it was moving on Lee, so all the forces to the west, and
the Army of the James, guarded their special trusts when advancing
from them as well as when remaining at them. Better indeed, for
they forced the enemy to guard his own lines and resources at a
greater distance from ours, and with a greater force. Little
expeditions could not so well be sent out to destroy a bridge or
tear up a few miles of railroad track, burn a storehouse, or
inflict other little annoyances. Accordingly I arranged for a
simultaneous movement all along the line. Sherman was to move from
Chattanooga, Johnston's army and Atlanta being his objective
points. Crook, commanding in West Virginia, was to move from the
mouth of the Gauley River with a cavalry force and some artillery,
the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad to be his objective. Either the
enemy would have to keep a large force to protect their
communications, or see them destroyed and a large amount of forage
and provision, which they so much needed, fall into our hands.
Sigel was in command in the Valley of Virginia. He was to advance
up the valley, covering the North from an invasion through that
channel as well while advancing as by remaining near Harper's
Ferry. Every mile he advanced also gave us possession of stores on
which Lee relied. Butler was to advance by the James River, having
Richmond and Petersburg as his objective.</p>
<blockquote><br/>
[PRIVATE AND CONFIDENTIAL.]<br/>
<br/>
HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES, WASHINGTON, D. C.,<br/>
April 4, 1864.<br/>
<br/>
MAJOR-GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN,<br/>
Commanding Military Division of the Mississippi.<br/>
<br/>
GENERAL:—It is my design, if the enemy keep quiet and allow
me to take the initiative in the spring campaign, to work all parts
of the army together, and somewhat towards a common centre. For
your information I now write you my programme, as at present
determined upon.<br/>
<br/>
I have sent orders to Banks, by private messenger, to finish up his
present expedition against Shreveport with all dispatch; to turn
over the defence of Red River to General Steele and the navy and to
return your troops to you and his own to New Orleans; to abandon
all of Texas, except the Rio Grande, and to hold that with not to
exceed four thousand men; to reduce the number of troops on the
Mississippi to the lowest number necessary to hold it, and to
collect from his command not less than twenty-five thousand men. To
this I will add five thousand men from Missouri. With this force he
is to commence operations against Mobile as soon as he can. It will
be impossible for him to commence too early.<br/>
<br/>
Gillmore joins Butler with ten thousand men, and the two operate
against Richmond from the south side of the James River. This will
give Butler thirty-three thousand men to operate with, W. F. Smith
commanding the right wing of his forces and Gillmore the left wing.
I will stay with the Army of the Potomac, increased by Burnside's
corps of not less than twenty-five thousand effective men, and
operate directly against Lee's army, wherever it may be
found.<br/>
<br/>
Sigel collects all his available force in two columns, one, under
Ord and Averell, to start from Beverly, Virginia, and the other,
under Crook, to start from Charleston on the Kanawha, to move
against the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad.<br/>
<br/>
Crook will have all cavalry, and will endeavor to get in about
Saltville, and move east from there to join Ord. His force will be
all cavalry, while Ord will have from ten to twelve thousand men of
all arms.<br/>
<br/>
You I propose to move against Johnston's army, to break it up and
to get into the interior of the enemy's country as far as you can,
inflicting all the damage you can against their war
resources.<br/>
<br/>
I do not propose to lay down for you a plan of campaign, but simply
lay down the work it is desirable to have done and leave you free
to execute it in your own way. Submit to me, however, as early as
you can, your plan of operations.<br/>
<br/>
As stated, Banks is ordered to commence operations as soon as he
can. Gillmore is ordered to report at Fortress Monroe by the 18th
inst., or as soon thereafter as practicable. Sigel is concentrating
now. None will move from their places of rendezvous until I direct,
except Banks. I want to be ready to move by the 25th inst., if
possible. But all I can now direct is that you get ready as soon as
possible. I know you will have difficulties to encounter in getting
through the mountains to where supplies are abundant, but I believe
you will accomplish it.<br/>
<br/>
From the expedition from the Department of West Virginia I do not
calculate on very great results; but it is the only way I can take
troops from there. With the long line of railroad Sigel has to
protect, he can spare no troops except to move directly to his
front. In this way he must get through to inflict great damage on
the enemy, or the enemy must detach from one of his armies a large
force to prevent it. In other words, if Sigel can't skin himself he
can hold a leg while some one else skins.<br/>
<br/>
I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant,<br/>
<br/>
U. S. GRANT,<br/>
Lieutenant-General.</blockquote>
<p>Before the advance commenced I visited Butler at Fort Monroe.
This was the first time I had ever met him. Before giving him any
order as to the part he was to play in the approaching campaign I
invited his views. They were very much such as I intended to
direct, and as I did direct, in writing, before leaving. [See
instructions to Butler, in General Grant's report, Appendix.]</p>
<p>General W. F. Smith, who had been promoted to the rank of
major-general shortly after the battle of Chattanooga on my
recommendation, had not yet been confirmed. I found a decided
prejudice against his confirmation by a majority of the Senate, but
I insisted that his services had been such that he should be
rewarded. My wishes were now reluctantly complied with, and I
assigned him to the command of one of the corps under General
Butler. I was not long in finding out that the objections to
Smith's promotion were well founded.</p>
<p>In one of my early interviews with the President I expressed my
dissatisfaction with the little that had been accomplished by the
cavalry so far in the war, and the belief that it was capable of
accomplishing much more than it had done if under a thorough
leader. I said I wanted the very best man in the army for that
command. Halleck was present and spoke up, saying: "How would
Sheridan do?" I replied: "The very man I want." The President said
I could have anybody I wanted. Sheridan was telegraphed for that
day, and on his arrival was assigned to the command of the cavalry
corps with the Army of the Potomac. This relieved General Alfred
Pleasonton. It was not a reflection on that officer, however, for I
did not know but that he had been as efficient as any other cavalry
commander.</p>
<p>Banks in the Department of the Gulf was ordered to assemble all
the troops he had at New Orleans in time to join in the general
move, Mobile to be his objective.</p>
<p>At this time I was not entirely decided as to whether I should
move the Army of the Potomac by the right flank of the enemy, or by
his left.</p>
<blockquote><br/>
IN FIELD, CULPEPER C. H., VA.,<br/>
April 9, 1864.<br/>
<br/>
MAJ. GENERAL GEO. G. MEADE<br/>
Com'd'g Army of the Potomac.<br/>
<br/>
For information and as instruction to govern your preparations for
the coming campaign, the following is communicated confidentially
for your own perusal alone.<br/>
<br/>
So far as practicable all the armies are to move together, and
towards one common centre. Banks has been instructed to turn over
the guarding of the Red River to General Steele and the navy, to
abandon Texas with the exception of the Rio Grande, and to
concentrate all the force he can, not less than 25,000 men, to move
on Mobile. This he is to do without reference to other movements.
From the scattered condition of his command, however, he cannot
possibly get it together to leave New Orleans before the 1st of
May, if so soon. Sherman will move at the same time you do, or two
or three days in advance, Jo. Johnston's army being his objective
point, and the heart of Georgia his ultimate aim. If successful he
will secure the line from Chattanooga to Mobile with the aid of
Banks.<br/>
<br/>
Sigel cannot spare troops from his army to reinforce either of the
great armies, but he can aid them by moving directly to his front.
This he has been directed to do, and is now making preparations for
it. Two columns of his command will make south at the same time
with the general move; one from Beverly, from ten to twelve
thousand strong, under Major-General Ord; the other from
Charleston, Va., principally cavalry, under Brig.-General Crook.
The former of these will endeavor to reach the Tennessee and
Virginia Railroad, about south of Covington, and if found
practicable will work eastward to Lynchburg and return to its base
by way of the Shenandoah Valley, or join you. The other will strike
at Saltville, Va., and come eastward to join Ord. The cavalry from
Ord's command will try tributaries would furnish us an easy line
over which to bring all supplies to within easy hauling distance of
every position the army could occupy from the Rapidan to the James
River. But Lee could, if he chose, detach or move his whole army
north on a line rather interior to the one I would have to take in
following. A movement by his left—our right—would
obviate this; but all that was done would have to be done with the
supplies and ammunition we started with. All idea of adopting this
latter plan was abandoned when the limited quantity of supplies
possible to take with us was considered. The country over which we
would have to pass was so exhausted of all food or forage that we
would be obliged to carry everything with us.<br/>
<br/>
While these preparations were going on the enemy was not entirely
idle. In the West Forrest made a raid in West Tennessee up to the
northern border, capturing the garrison of four or five hundred men
at Union City, and followed it up by an attack on Paducah,
Kentucky, on the banks of the Ohio. While he was able to enter the
city he failed to capture the forts or any part of the garrison. On
the first intelligence of Forrest's raid I telegraphed Sherman to
send all his cavalry against him, and not to let him get out of the
trap he had put himself into. Sherman had anticipated me by sending
troops against him before he got my order.<br/>
<br/>
Forrest, however, fell back rapidly, and attacked the troops at
Fort Pillow, a station for the protection of the navigation of the
Mississippi River. The garrison to force a passage southward, if
they are successful in reaching the Virginia and Tennessee
Railroad, to cut the main lines of the road connecting Richmond
with all the South and South-west.<br/>
<br/>
Gillmore will join Butler with about 10,000 men from South
Carolina. Butler can reduce his garrison so as to take 23,000 men
into the field directly to his front. The force will be commanded
by Maj.-General W. F. Smith. With Smith and Gillmore, Butler will
seize City Point, and operate against Richmond from the south side
of the river. His movement will be simultaneous with yours.<br/>
<br/>
Lee's army will be your objective point. Wherever Lee goes, there
you will go also. The only point upon which I am now in doubt is,
whether it will be better to cross the Rapidan above or below him.
Each plan presents great advantages over the other with
corresponding objections. By crossing above, Lee is cut off from
all chance of ignoring Richmond and going north on a raid. But if
we take this route, all we do must be done whilst the rations we
start with hold out. We separate from Butler so that he cannot be
directed how to co-operate. By the other route Brandy Station can
be used as a base of supplies until another is secured on the York
or James rivers.<br/>
<br/>
These advantages and objections I will talk over with you more
fully than I can write them.<br/>
<br/>
Burnside with a force of probably 25,000 men will reinforce you.
Immediately upon his arrival, which will be shortly after the 20th
inst., I will give him the defence of the road from Bull Run as far
south as we wish to hold it. This will enable you to collect all
your strength about Brandy Station and to the front.<br/>
<br/>
There will be naval co-operation on the James River, and transports
and ferries will be provided so that should Lee fall back into his
intrenchments at Richmond, Butler's force and yours will be a unit,
or at least can be made to act as such. What I would direct then,
is that you commence at once reducing baggage to the very lowest
possible standard. Two wagons to a regiment of five hundred men is
the greatest number that should be allowed, for all baggage,
exclusive of subsistence stores and ordnance stores. One wagon to
brigade and one to division headquarters is sufficient and about
two to corps headquarters.<br/>
<br/>
Should by Lee's right flank be our route, you will want to make
arrangements for having supplies of all sorts promptly forwarded to
White House on the Pamunkey. Your estimates for this contingency
should be made at once. If not wanted there, there is every
probability they will be wanted on the James River or
elsewhere.<br/>
<br/>
If Lee's left is turned, large provision will have to be made for
ordnance stores. I would say not much short of five hundred rounds
of infantry ammunition would do. By the other, half the amount
would be sufficient.<br/>
<br/>
U. S. GRANT,<br/>
<br/>
Lieutenant-General.</blockquote>
<p>Each plan presented advantages. If by his right—my
left—the Potomac, Chesapeake Bay and tributaries would
furnish us an easy hauling distance of every position the army
could occupy from the Rapidan to the James River. But Lee could, if
he chose, detach or move his whole army north on a line rather
interior to the one I would have to take in following. A movement
by his left—our right—would obviate this; but all that
was done would have to be done with the supplies and ammunition we
started with. All idea of adopting this latter plan was abandoned
when the limited quantity of supplies possible to take with us was
considered. The country over which we would have to pass was so
exhausted of all food or forage that we would be obliged to carry
everything with us.</p>
<p>While these preparations were going on the enemy was not
entirely idle. In the West Forrest made a raid in West Tennessee up
to the northern border, capturing the garrison of four or five
hundred men at Union City, and followed it up by an attack on
Paducah, Kentucky, on the banks of the Ohio. While he was able to
enter the city he failed to capture the forts or any part of the
garrison. On the first intelligence of Forrest's raid I telegraphed
Sherman to send all his cavalry against him, and not to let him get
out of the trap he had put himself into. Sherman had anticipated me
by sending troops against him before he got my order.</p>
<p>Forrest, however, fell back rapidly, and attacked the troops at
Fort Pillow, a station for the protection of the navigation of the
Mississippi River. The garrison consisted of a regiment of colored
troops, infantry, and a detachment of Tennessee cavalry. These
troops fought bravely, but were overpowered. I will leave Forrest
in his dispatches to tell what he did with them.</p>
<p>"The river was dyed," he says, "with the blood of the
slaughtered for two hundred yards. The approximate loss was upward
of five hundred killed, but few of the officers escaping. My loss
was about twenty killed. It is hoped that these facts will
demonstrate to the Northern people that negro soldiers cannot cope
with Southerners." Subsequently Forrest made a report in which he
left out the part which shocks humanity to read.</p>
<p>At the East, also, the rebels were busy. I had said to Halleck
that Plymouth and Washington, North Carolina, were unnecessary to
hold. It would be better to have the garrisons engaged there added
to Butler's command. If success attended our arms both places, and
others too, would fall into our hands naturally. These places had
been occupied by Federal troops before I took command of the
armies, and I knew that the Executive would be reluctant to abandon
them, and therefore explained my views; but before my views were
carried out the rebels captured the garrison at Plymouth. I then
ordered the abandonment of Washington, but directed the holding of
New Berne at all hazards. This was essential because New Berne was
a port into which blockade runners could enter.</p>
<p>General Banks had gone on an expedition up the Red River long
before my promotion to general command. I had opposed the movement
strenuously, but acquiesced because it was the order of my superior
at the time. By direction of Halleck I had reinforced Banks with a
corps of about ten thousand men from Sherman's command. This
reinforcement was wanted back badly before the forward movement
commenced. But Banks had got so far that it seemed best that he
should take Shreveport on the Red River, and turn over the line of
that river to Steele, who commanded in Arkansas, to hold instead of
the line of the Arkansas. Orders were given accordingly, and with
the expectation that the campaign would be ended in time for Banks
to return A. J. Smith's command to where it belonged and get back
to New Orleans himself in time to execute his part in the general
plan. But the expedition was a failure. Banks did not get back in
time to take part in the programme as laid down. Nor was Smith
returned until long after the movements of May, 1864, had been
begun. The services of forty thousand veteran troops, over and
above the number required to hold all that was necessary in the
Department of the Gulf, were thus paralyzed. It is but just to
Banks, however, to say that his expedition was ordered from
Washington and he was in no way responsible except for the conduct
of it. I make no criticism on this point. He opposed the
expedition.</p>
<p>By the 27th of April spring had so far advanced as to justify me
in fixing a day for the great move. On that day Burnside left
Annapolis to occupy Meade's position between Bull Run and the
Rappahannock. Meade was notified and directed to bring his troops
forward to his advance. On the following day Butler was notified of
my intended advance on the 4th of May, and he was directed to move
the night of the same day and get as far up the James River as
possible by daylight, and push on from there to accomplish the task
given him. He was also notified that reinforcements were being
collected in Washington City, which would be forwarded to him
should the enemy fall back into the trenches at Richmond. The same
day Sherman was directed to get his forces up ready to advance on
the 5th. Sigel was in Winchester and was notified to move in
conjunction with the others.</p>
<p>The criticism has been made by writers on the campaign from the
Rapidan to the James River that all the loss of life could have
been obviated by moving the army there on transports. Richmond was
fortified and intrenched so perfectly that one man inside to defend
was more than equal to five outside besieging or assaulting. To get
possession of Lee's army was the first great object. With the
capture of his army Richmond would necessarily follow. It was
better to fight him outside of his stronghold than in it. If the
Army of the Potomac had been moved bodily to the James River by
water Lee could have moved a part of his forces back to Richmond,
called Beauregard from the south to reinforce it, and with the
balance moved on to Washington. Then, too, I ordered a move,
simultaneous with that of the Army of the Potomac, up the James
River by a formidable army already collected at the mouth of the
river.</p>
<p>While my headquarters were at Culpeper, from the 26th of March
to the 4th of May, I generally visited Washington once a week to
confer with the Secretary of War and President. On the last
occasion, a few days before moving, a circumstance occurred which
came near postponing my part in the campaign altogether. Colonel
John S. Mosby had for a long time been commanding a partisan corps,
or regiment, which operated in the rear of the Army of the Potomac.
On my return to the field on this occasion, as the train approached
Warrenton Junction, a heavy cloud of dust was seen to the east of
the road as if made by a body of cavalry on a charge. Arriving at
the junction the train was stopped and inquiries made as to the
cause of the dust. There was but one man at the station, and he
informed us that Mosby had crossed a few minutes before at full
speed in pursuit of Federal cavalry. Had he seen our train coming,
no doubt he would have let his prisoners escape to capture the
train. I was on a special train, if I remember correctly, without
any guard.</p>
<p>Since the close of the war I have come to know Colonel Mosby
personally, and somewhat intimately. He is a different man entirely
from what I had supposed. He is slender, not tall, wiry, and looks
as if he could endure any amount of physical exercise. He is able,
and thoroughly honest and truthful. There were probably but few men
in the South who could have commanded successfully a separate
detachment in the rear of an opposing army, and so near the border
of hostilities, as long as he did without losing his entire
command.</p>
<p>On this same visit to Washington I had my last interview with
the President before reaching the James River. He had of course
become acquainted with the fact that a general movement had been
ordered all along the line, and seemed to think it a new feature in
war. I explained to him that it was necessary to have a great
number of troops to guard and hold the territory we had captured,
and to prevent incursions into the Northern States. These troops
could perform this service just as well by advancing as by
remaining still; and by advancing they would compel the enemy to
keep detachments to hold them back, or else lay his own territory
open to invasion. His answer was: "Oh, yes! I see that. As we say
out West, if a man can't skin he must hold a leg while somebody
else does."</p>
<p>There was a certain incident connected with the Wilderness
campaign of which it may not be out of place to speak; and to avoid
a digression further on I will mention it here.</p>
<p>A few days before my departure from Culpeper the Honorable E. B.
Washburne visited me there, and remained with my headquarters for
some distance south, through the battle in the Wilderness and, I
think, to Spottsylvania. He was accompanied by a Mr. Swinton, whom
he presented as a literary gentleman who wished to accompany the
army with a view of writing a history of the war when it was over.
He assured me—and I have no doubt Swinton gave him the
assurance—that he was not present as a correspondent of the
press. I expressed an entire willingness to have him (Swinton)
accompany the army, and would have allowed him to do so as a
correspondent, restricted, however, in the character of the
information he could give. We received Richmond papers with about
as much regularity as if there had been no war, and knew that our
papers were received with equal regularity by the Confederates. It
was desirable, therefore, that correspondents should not be
privileged spies of the enemy within our lines.</p>
<p>Probably Mr. Swinton expected to be an invited guest at my
headquarters, and was disappointed that he was not asked to become
so. At all events he was not invited, and soon I found that he was
corresponding with some paper (I have now forgotten which one),
thus violating his word either expressed or implied. He knew of the
assurance Washburne had given as to the character of his mission. I
never saw the man from the day of our introduction to the present
that I recollect. He accompanied us, however, for a time at
least.</p>
<p>The second night after crossing the Rapidan (the night of the
5th of May) Colonel W. R. Rowley, of my staff, was acting as night
officer at my headquarters. A short time before midnight I gave him
verbal instructions for the night. Three days later I read in a
Richmond paper a verbatim report of these instructions.</p>
<p>A few nights still later (after the first, and possibly after
the second, day's fighting in the Wilderness) General Meade came to
my tent for consultation, bringing with him some of his staff
officers. Both his staff and mine retired to the camp-fire some
yards in front of the tent, thinking our conversation should be
private. There was a stump a little to one side, and between the
front of the tent and camp-fire. One of my staff, Colonel T. S.
Bowers, saw what he took to be a man seated on the ground and
leaning against the stump, listening to the conversation between
Meade and myself. He called the attention of Colonel Rowley to it.
The latter immediately took the man by the shoulder and asked him,
in language more forcible than polite, what he was doing there. The
man proved to be Swinton, the "historian," and his replies to the
question were evasive and unsatisfactory, and he was warned against
further eaves-dropping.</p>
<p>The next I heard of Mr. Swinton was at Cold Harbor. General
Meade came to my headquarters saying that General Burnside had
arrested Swinton, who at some previous time had given great
offence, and had ordered him to be shot that afternoon. I promptly
ordered the prisoner to be released, but that he must be expelled
from the lines of the army not to return again on pain of
punishment.</p>
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