<h2>CHAPTER 5</h2>
<h3>EXCHANGE IN A MARKET</h3>
<h4>§ I. EXCHANGE OF GOODS RESULTING FROM DEMAND</h4>
<div class="sidenote">Reciprocal demand becomes exchange</div>
<p>1. <i>Exchange in the usual economic sense is the transfer of two goods by
two owners, each of whom deems the good taken more than a
value-equivalent for the one given.</i> The comparison of goods that has
been discussed above is a kind of exchange. When a person chooses one
thing rather than another, one form of gratification may be said to be
mentally exchanged for another. This is exchange in that person's mind,
or subjective exchange. But the word "exchange" as usually employed
means an exchange of goods between persons. It is objective exchange,
and when the word is used without modification, it is to be understood
in the objective sense. In the last chapter were analyzed the motives of
the individual man. Robinson Crusoe on his desert island would in very
many ways be acted upon by the same motives in reference to economic
goods that men are in society. Yet, it is exchange in society and the
complicated problems arising from this transfer of goods from person to
person that constitute nearly the whole of the subject-matter of
political economy.</p>
<p>Exchange is seen to arise out of the differences in the situations of
men with reference to goods. The different subjective valuations give
rise to demand, and demand leads to exchange. In early societies
differences in natural products were the most usual causes of exchange.
Salt, though so essential to life, is found in few places. The metals
early became<span class="pagenum"><SPAN name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</SPAN></span> indispensable for weapons of defense or for the chase, and
were sought far and wide. Rare shells, feathers, jewels, and the
precious metals appealed in early times to a universal desire for
ornament. Products like these are the objects of a rude sort of exchange
in the first simple efforts made to adjust possessions to wants. Within
the tribe, differences in the skill and ability of men to produce arrow
heads or weapons or ornaments, bring about the exchange of goods.</p>
<div class="sidenote">Mutual advantage in exchange</div>
<p>2. <i>The advantage of exchange consists in the raising of the
want-gratifying power of goods to both parties.</i> It generally was
assumed by medieval thinkers that if one party to an exchange gained,
the other must lose. The mistaken idea prevailed that value is something
fixed in the good, and unchangeable. Where the exchange is voluntary
(and only that kind is here being considered), it is mutual advantages
which make the exchange rational. Many false conclusions on practical
questions still result from a failure to grasp this simple truth. It
follows from this that the act of exchange is itself useful, for goods
having a small importance to men are given a higher importance by being
brought into better relations with wants. Merchants, peddlers, traders,
and common carriers of all sorts, therefore, are adding to the utility
of goods. This idea has been only slowly apprehended, but is now one of
the least disputed propositions in economics.</p>
<div class="sidenote">Demand is supply in another aspect</div>
<p>3. <i>Barter is the exchange of goods without the use of money.</i> Either
one of the goods traded in cases of barter may be considered as sold,
and either one as bought, according as the matter is looked at from the
standpoint of the one or the other party to the exchange. Demand,
therefore, is supply, and supply is demand when the point of view is
shifted from one party to another. The fisherman's demand for venison is
expressed in terms of fish; the hunter's demand for fish is expressed in
terms of venison. But to the fisherman the venison is the supply offered
to<span class="pagenum"><SPAN name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</SPAN></span> him. The term "marginal utility" of a good, therefore, does not
refer merely to the demand of the consumer; for it expresses by a single
phrase the idea both of demand and of supply. The utility of the goods
composing the supply is expressed in terms of the goods that represent
demand and vice versa. The only way in which man can give definite,
concrete, numerical expression to his desire for goods is to state it in
terms of other goods. In expressing numerically, in terms of other
objects, an estimate of the utility of an apple, a horse or a house, one
inevitably gives expression to a ratio of exchange; demand for one good
is the offer of another good.</p>
<h4>§ II. BARTER UNDER SIMPLE CONDITIONS</h4>
<div class="sidenote">In isolated exchange the price is not economically fixed</div>
<p>1. <i>In isolated exchange, where only two traders engage in barter, their
estimates give respectively the upper and the lower figures of the ratio
at which the trade can take place.</i> Let us recall the fact that a
difference in the <i>relative</i> estimates that men place on goods is the
first essential of exchange. Those estimates may be expressed in a
ratio; we may say that A will give four apples for one orange, would be
glad to give fewer, but will not give more; while B will give one orange
for three apples, would be glad to get more apples, but will not take
fewer. The outside limits of the ratio at which the exchange must take
place will, therefore, be one orange for three or four apples.</p>
<p>A, seller of apples, offers 4 (or fewer) apples for 1 orange.</p>
<p>B, buyer of apples, demands 3 (or more) apples for 1 orange.</p>
<p>There is, in entirely isolated exchange, therefore, a lack of
definiteness in the price, much depending on what Adam Smith called the
"higgling of the market." In the old-time American horse trade much
depended on "bluff"; in such cases it was as important to be able to
judge character as to judge horses. A thorough analysis of the trade,
however,<span class="pagenum"><SPAN name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</SPAN></span> would probably show that the bargain is concluded at a point
which exactly balances the hopes of gain and fears of loss of one of the
parties.</p>
<div class="sidenote">Competitive bidding narrows the limits of price</div>
<p>2. <i>Where one-sided competition exists, the ratio of the exchange will
be somewhere between the estimates of the two buyers most eager for the
last portion offered</i>. By competition is here meant the independent
seeking of the same thing at one time by two or more persons. Where
there is one market price paid by a number of buyers, it may be that no
two of the subjective estimates are alike; the exchange value may differ
from all of their estimates, and yet must correspond closely to two.
Auction sales well illustrate the principle. If there is one ax to be
sold and ten possible buyers for an ax, and there is no combination
among them, the bidding will go on until the estimate of the buyer next
to the most eager, has been reached. The most eager buyer can then
secure the ax by bidding just a little above his next competitor. But if
there are ten axes and ten buyers who know that there will be ten axes
offered, the more eager buyers will refuse to bid much above the less
eager ones. A shrewd auctioneer, therefore, often conceals the fact that
there is more than one of an article, and having sold it off, brings out
a second or a third one of the same kind, thus keeping the buyers in
ignorance of the supply and getting somewhere near the estimate of the
most eager buyer in each case. Advertisements of "a limited supply,"
"the last chance," "positively the last appearance," are meant to
stimulate the demand of the patrons, and to lead them to buy at once. In
general, therefore, where competition exists on one side, price is fixed
with greater definiteness than in isolated exchange. Not so much depends
on shrewd bargaining, on bluff, or on the stubbornness of an individual.
Far more depends on forces outside the control of any one man. The
bidders are impelled by self-interest to outbid their competitors, and
thus the limits within which the market price must fall are narrowly
fixed.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><SPAN name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</SPAN></span></p>
<div class="sidenote">Buyers fix price of perishable goods</div>
<p>If things already brought to market must be sold at any price that can
be secured, the buyers may be said to fix the price. This does not mean
that they can buy it for any sum that they wish, but it means that when
each one is trying to get it as cheap as possible, their bids finally
determine how much it will sell for. In such cases, therefore, the
competition is for the moment one-sided.</p>
<p>If a part of the supply can be withdrawn and kept without great loss,
this will be done if the price is low. Strawberries, fish, and meat may
be sold Saturday night at any price that will secure purchasers, but
every thing that can be kept with little or no depreciation will be
withheld from sale for a time. It may even be of advantage to the seller
to destroy a part of the supply, when the increased price of the smaller
amount will give a larger total.</p>
<div class="sidenote">The margin of advantage and the marginal pair</div>
<p>3. <i>Where two-sided competition exists, the bidding goes on until a
price is reached where the least eager seller and the least eager buyer
have the narrowest possible motive to exchange</i>. As the market ratio
varies from those in the minds of the individuals when they come to the
market, there is left a considerable margin to some and a very small one
to others. This difference between the market value and the ratio of
exchange at which any given individual would continue to exchange for
the good may be called the <i>margin of advantage</i>. Moreover, the buyers
will have a margin and the sellers a margin, and as that margin narrows
there is less and less motive to continue the exchange until, finally,
the margin disappearing, the buyer or seller, withdrawing from the
market, ceases to be an exchanger, at least for that particular part of
the goods.</p>
<p>The least eager buyer and the least eager seller may be called the
<i>marginal pair</i>. They are the buyer and the seller respectively having
the narrowest margin of advantage. Their outside estimates are nearest
to the market ratio. If the market ratio shifts slightly in either
direction, one of them will drop out of the exchange. It is evident that
a buyer<span class="pagenum"><SPAN name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</SPAN></span> who is taking ten units may be on the margin with reference to
the tenth unit, and yet may continue to be one of the most eager buyers
to secure one unit. Thus, the marginal buyer is to be thought of as that
person who, logically considered, is the least eager, or on the margin,
with reference to a particular unit of supply, however eager he may be
with reference to any other unit of supply. It would be well to recall
here the discussion of the nature of wants and the variation in the
intensity of demand.</p>
<div class="figcenter"> <ANTIMG src="images/i35.jpg" width-obs="600" height-obs="537" alt="" /> <span class="caption"><i>Units of Goods</i></span></div>
<div class="sidenote">Market values built on individual estimates</div>
<p>4. <i>Market values are built up on subjective valuations.</i> The idea of
market values, therefore, is that of the want-gratifying power of goods
as expressed in terms of other goods, where there are various buyers and
sellers. They are not an average of the subjective valuations, nor are
they made up of the extremes. They correspond closely with the
subjective estimates of two of the exchangers. The other parties to the
exchange are willing to accept the market ratio, for it offers them more
inducements than it does to either one of the marginal pair.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><SPAN name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</SPAN></span></p>
<h4>§ III. PRICE IN A MARKET</h4>
<div class="sidenote">One price in a market</div>
<p>1. <i>A market is a body of buyers and sellers in such close business
relations that the actual price conforms closely to the valuation of the
marginal pair.</i> The word "price" which we have used, may be defined as
value expressed in terms of some commonly exchanged commodity. The term
is used more broadly of anything given in exchange. The very terms of
this definition imply that there can be but one price in a market. This
is a somewhat abstract but a useful economic proposition. Very often
within sound of each other's voices traders are paying different prices
for a good. On the occasion of a break in the stock-market, excited
traders within ten feet of each other make bids that differ by thousands
of dollars. Retail and wholesale merchants may be purchasing goods in
the same room at the same time at very different prices. But within a
group of buyers and sellers where competition is approximately complete,
price is fixed with some degree of exactness. The more nearly the actual
conditions approach to the ideal of a market, the less are prices fixed
by higgling, and the more impersonal they become, the buyers and sellers
being compelled to adjust their bids to the needs of the market, and not
being able to vary them greatly one way or the other.</p>
<div class="sidenote">The earlier markets</div>
<p>2. <i>Markets are steadily widening through the improvement of means of
communication and transportation.</i> The earliest markets were established
on the borders between tribes, villages or nations as a common ground
where strangers met to trade. At such markets were brought together from
sparsely settled districts a comparatively large number of merchants and
customers. Buyers had the opportunity of wide selection both in kind and
quality, and the sellers found a large body of customers gathered at one
point. Throughout the Middle Ages purchases were made by the more
prosperous husbandmen in great quantities once a<span class="pagenum"><SPAN name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</SPAN></span> year at the fairs or
markets. As both the buyers and sellers came from widely separated
places, there was, in most respects, no combination, and the conditions
of a competitive market were present.</p>
<div class="sidenote">The growth of markets</div>
<p>The number of buyers and sellers that can constitute a single market is
limited both directly and indirectly by the means of transportation. A
dense population cannot usually be maintained without easy means of
transportation to bring in a large supply of food, and to carry back
manufactured goods great distances. The remarkable growth in the means
of commerce since the application of steam to water traffic, and the
invention of the railroad, have made it possible for goods to be
gathered from most distant points. A market implies a common
understanding among traders. Modern means of communication such as
newspapers, post-offices, telegraph and cable, trade bulletins,
commercial travelers, the consular service, and many forms of special
agencies, are diffusing information widely. As a result of these
changes, there has been a widening of the village-market to the markets
of the province, of the nation, and finally of the world. While a part
of every one's purchases continues to be made in the neighborhood, a
greater and greater portion of the total business is done by traders who
are widely separated and who are indeed members of the world market.
Various articles produced in the same locality may seek different
markets. The market for wheat may be in Liverpool, while that for fruit
and eggs is in the village near the farm-house. If a given product of
any community is sold in different markets, the net prices secured must
be very nearly equal.</p>
<div class="sidenote">The conceptions normal and market price</div>
<p>3. <i>Normal price is spoken of in contrast to market price when the
actual market price results from exceptional circumstances and probably
will not be maintained.</i> The term "normal price," much used in economic
discussion, is the price which, apart from exceptional conditions, is
expected to prevail, and to which actual prices seem constantly
striving<span class="pagenum"><SPAN name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</SPAN></span> to adjust themselves. As actual prices are nearly always
either more or less than so-called normal price, and only momentarily
ever correspond with it, the term "normal" would appear to be something
of a misnomer. Moreover, as the circumstances of production change, this
normal price itself is altered so that what is normal one day may be
quite abnormal the next. The thought of "normal price" is an abstract
one, but despite the inaptness of the word it is not without some
practical validity. In determining whether he shall continue to produce
certain goods, the business man is practically guided by his view of
normal price. An example of departure from normal price as above
defined, is found in the price of food when an expected ship has failed
to arrive at a port with its cargo of grain. A scarcity amounting almost
to famine might thus exist in a seaboard city, and the market price
would rise; but as this would be due to an accident and would afford a
larger gain than usual to those who happened to have a supply of grain,
men would say that the market price was above the normal price. The
arrival of the expected ship would cause the market price to return to
the normal.</p>
<div class="sidenote">Review of the argument</div>
<p>In review, we see that the market value of goods grows out of the
different personal estimates made by men. Market value itself being a
complex and difficult problem, it can be mastered only by dividing it.
First, therefore, must be studied the more general and obvious motives
of men, the nature of wants and their effects on man's subjective
estimates. The same simple motives that influence the subjective
valuations made by individual men, may be traced to the conditions of
the complicated market. It is their workings that are seen in the
obscurest problems of market price.</p>
<hr class="chap" />
<p><span class="pagenum"><SPAN name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</SPAN></span></p>
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